UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy has condemned Israel’s conduct in Gaza and said that Britain could “do more in the coming weeks” if the Israeli government does not change how it is pursuing the war in the strip.

He expressed anger that the “international community has not been able to bring this war to an end” and said he was “sickened” by the killings of Palestinians at aid centres by Israeli forces in recent days.

Since Israel began its military campaign in Gaza after the 7 October attacks, significant public attention has focused on the issue of assistance provided by the UK. Much of the weaponry used in Israel Defense Forces’ (IDF) strikes on the strip has been built or sold by Western nations.

But information around the extent of the UK’s military support to Israel often remains unclear or classified, and some MPs have called for a public inquiry into the extent of the assistance.

The UK is not one of Israel’s main suppliers of arms. The US is by far the biggest seller – helping Israel develop one of the world’s most advanced militaries – followed by Germany and Italy.

Since 2015, the UK has approved arms export licences to Israel worth over £500m ($676.4m) – peaking in 2018, according to Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) pressure group.

However, much of the attention around the UK’s support for Israel has focussed on parts made in Britain for the F-35 jet. A state-of-the-art multi-role fighter, it has been used extensively by Israel to strike Gaza.

The UK supplies between 13-15% of the components used in the jet, including ejector seats, rear fuselage, active interceptor systems, targeting lasers and weapon release cables.

After the Labour Party came to power last year, it suspended 30 out of 350 arms export licences, affecting equipment such as parts for fighter jets, helicopters and drones.

Any UK company that wants to sell arms abroad must apply for a licence, and the government said at the time that there was a “clear risk” the equipment could be used to commit serious violations of international law.

But crucially, parts for the F-35 were not included in the export ban. The government said it could not prevent Israel obtaining these components as they are sent to manufacturing centres abroad as part of a global programme – not directly to Israel.

Professor Anna Stavrianakis, an expert in UK Arms Export, described the government’s decision to allow for this exemption as “an enormous loophole”.

“UK-made parts for the F-35 mostly go to the USA, where they are incorporated into jets bound for Israel,” she told BBC Verify, noting that because the White House “does not want to stop supporting Israel”, the UK export bans were quite limited in their effectiveness.

The UK also co-developed the Hermes drone, which has been widely used in Gaza. While the UK version of the aircraft, called the Watchkeeper 450, is unarmed, the Israeli-made Hermes drone can be armed with Spike missiles and was reportedly used in the attack that killed seven World Central Kitchen aid workers last year.

It is hard to say what the UK is still exporting to Israel under the active licences. Foreign Secretary David Lammy said last year that the ban was not a “blanket ban or an arms embargo” and said it remained essential that Israel could defend itself from attack.

According to the Department of Business and Trade, 161 of the extant licences relate to military products.

A UK Parliament report said that the remaining licences could include “items such as trainer aircraft and naval equipment, and dual-use items for civilian use in telecoms and data equipment”.

The extent to which the UK has shared intelligence with Israel since the 7 October attacks is unclear. The government has a long-standing “defence partnership with Israel” which defence officials say includes “education, joint training and capability development”.

The Royal Air Force (RAF) has flown hundreds of surveillance flights over Gaza since December 2023, reportedly using Shadow R1 spy planes based at an RAF base in Akrotiri in nearby Cyprus.

In an interview on Monday, Lammy insisted that the RAF flights over Gaza have not led to the sharing of any military intelligence with the IDF.

“It would be quite wrong for the British government to assist in the prosecution of this war in Gaza,” the foreign secretary said. “We are not doing that.”

In 2023 the UK acknowledged that some of its “unarmed” drones circling over the strip were aiding in the search for Israeli hostages taken by Hamas during the 7 October attacks. There are 50 people still held by Hamas, with 20 believed to be alive.

Armed Forces Minister Luke Pollard reaffirmed that stance in April 2025, telling MPs that UK drone flights over Gaza were being conducted with the “sole purpose of locating hostages”.

The Ministry of Defence (MoD) has refused to comment on whether Israeli aircraft have access to the RAF’s base in Cyprus. But BBC Verify also identified Israeli Air Force planes in UK airspace over the past year after reports in the independent outlet DropSite. Several Re’em refuelling planes appeared on specialised flight tracking sites over RAF bases at Brize Norton and Fairford.

An MoD spokesperson told BBC Verify: “It is standard practice to routinely authorise requests for limited numbers of allies and partners to access the UK’s air bases.”

“We cannot comment on or provide information relating to foreign nations’ military aircraft movements or operations,” the spokesperson added.

The UK often runs training courses for the militaries of allied nations, many of which focus on leadership, logistics and cyber-operations. For example, thousands of Ukrainian troops have come to Britain since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022 for basic training.

Lord Coaker – a minister of state at the UK MoD – said in April that “fewer than 10” IDF personnel have been trained on non-combat military academic courses in the UK every year since 2020.

He declined to say exactly how many IDF troops had taken part in courses over that time, or what classes they had taken “in order to protect personal information”. But ministers have insisted that the courses emphasise the importance of complying with international humanitarian law.

Armed Forces Minister Luke Pollard confirmed in June that “a limited number of Israel Defense Forces personnel” were taking part in UK-based training courses, but declined to offer further details.

The UK’s approach to holding Israel accountable for its campaign in Gaza changed after the general election in 2024. The new Labour government dropped the government’s opposition to arrest warrants issued for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant by the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Since then, it has become more vocal in its criticism of Israeli leaders, and joined 27 other nations this week in condemning the “inhumane killing of civilians” seeking food and water in Gaza.

And the Labour government suspended talks to upgrade its free trade agreement with Israel in May, with Lammy calling the Israeli treatment of Palestinians “an affront to the values of the British people”.

But while the government has sanctioned two far-right Israeli ministers for “inciting violence” in the occupied West Bank, it has yet to impose any sanctions on Israel directly for its actions in Gaza, which have killed at least 59,029 people according to the Hamas-run health ministry.